by Micah Tillman
Imagine that you want universal health insurance, and you’ve decided the government should be the one to give it to us. You could have gone with charity organizations or for-profit businesses, but you didn’t. You are, in other words, Hillary Clinton or Barack Obama.
Last time, I argued that Clinton’s health plan summary (PDF file) misrepresents the nature of health insurance. There’s no way for the majority of Americans to not overpay, even if there is a way for those who pay to pay less.
Since I wrote that piece, Clinton has gotten into some hot water by suggesting workers’ wages might be garnished to enforce her plan. I honestly thought that I wouldn’t have to bring all of this up, but the Democratic debate before Super Tuesday seems to have re-lit a fire that won’t go out.
Anyway, let’s imagine that we’re politicians who want to sell universal health insurance. We’d need to go about it differently than Clinton and Obama currently are.
Advice to Politicians — Further Clarifications
First, we should clarify the kind of entity that health insurers are. They are not, for instance, actual businesses. A business is something that engages in exchanges where both sides come out ahead. The business wants the buyer’s money more than it wants its own product, and the buyer wants the product more than his own money. An exchange occurs and both sides win — in a strictly economical sense.
We normally think of charities as the opposite of businesses. But insurers are not charities either. A charity is an entity that engages two groups, rather than one. It receives from contributors and gives to beneficiaries. Unlike a customer, a contributor experiences a net loss (in the strictly economical sense). And unlike a business, a charity also experiences a net loss after engaging its beneficiaries. Charity is about losing so others can gain. This is its nobility.
Insurers are between business and charity. For the most part, the patients act more like contributors than customers. They put in more than they are getting out. But some patients at some times — or perhaps all patients at some time — are more like beneficiaries than contributors. They get out more than they are putting in.
Insurers are like businesses in that there is always the chance that a given patient may come out ahead in the end, even while the company itself turns a profit. And they are like charities in that for one patient to come out ahead, another has to overpay, experience a net loss.
What insurers, are, therefore, is like a communal fund into which everyone gives out of the goodness of their hearts, and from which everyone can take should they ever need to. Insurance is like everyone treating everyone else as a charity case. They are an instantiation of group-love. Everyone takes care of everyone else and gets taken care of in return.
Or we might say that insurers, together with patients, are like family. There’s a lot of giving and a lot of being taken care of. Nobody’s sure who’s coming out ahead because that isn’t the issue.
The difference between insurance and communal funds, or insurance and families, however, is that there is always one party who is coming out ahead: the insurance company itself. While its patients are a mixture of winners and losers, it is always a winner. It oversees a system in which some have to lose so that others can gain, and it makes sure that it is the one party which always gains.
There is no (theoretical) balance here as there is with businesses. Theoretically, both business and customer gain by their mutual association. And the charitable role insurers play — by taking what is given by some and giving it to others — is accompanied by taking what is given by some and keeping it.
Final Words of Advice
What politicians like Clinton need is to create and sell insurance as charity. They should stop using the strange mix of corporate, “Save! Save! Save!” advertising with charitable, “Those in Need Need Help” appeals.
Politicians should be honest with the American people: the insurers we have now are a chimerical combination of business and charity. Politicians should admit that this tempts them to appeal to our “base” desire for profit. Then they should commit to rising above such rhetoric, calling on the better angels of our nature.
If politicians would tell us that buying from a national health insurance program is a way to get involved in a charitable cause right here at home . . . . If they would say that this is our chance to "give" to our fellow citizens, even if we never "get" in return . . . . If they explain that their program will enable us to know to whom (i.e., our fellow citizens) we should be grateful if and when we become beneficiaries ourselves . . . .
If they back this up by calling on insurers to go non-profit, refusing to involve for-profit insurers in their national systems. If they shift not only their talk but the type of companies they plan to use . . . .
And if they call us as citizens to neither to gain nor pity, but to sacrificial nobility . . . . Then they just might see reactions on both Left and Right change.
But it still will frighten me (and many others) that politicians want to combine charity and guns (“insurance” and “enforcement”). Even with all the clarifications I've listed, they're still going to be mixed up.
Micah Tillman is a lecturer in the School of Philosophy at The Catholic University of America. His blog can be found at http://micahtillman.com/